www.hamarasamaj.com
Report by Hazrat Maulana Amirul Hind Margoobur Rahman Sb.
Jamiat 01-05-2008
M.Muzaffa
BACKGROUNDER
The meeting of Central Managing
Committee of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind
Held on 5th April 2008
at New Horizon Public School Campus,
Nr. Humayun Tomb, Hzt. Nizamuddin (E), New Delhi-25
Importance of the
Meeting of Central Managing Committee:
This meeting will not only decide who will be the President but
it will deliberate on much wider and important issues. It will settle issues on
which the survival of the organization and its future policies depend.
·
Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind will
be a democratic organization or will it be dominated by particular individual or
family;
·
Who will have the upper
hand? Organization or Individual;
·
Will an individual how
ever highly placed he may be have the right to impose his wishes or the Working
committee and the Managing committee will have the right to question;
·
What will be the relation
of the organization with the government and any political party? Can an
individual mortgage the organization to a particular party;
·
What will be mechanism to
restrain the organization form being high jacked;
·
Would there be
transparency in the structure of the organization, its administration and
accounts or not? The control would be institutional or individual?
·
The meeting wills settle
in one sentence whether there will be democracy, transparency and reckoning in
Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, the oldest and largest organization of Indian Muslims or
would it become personal property?
Central Managing Committee, the Most Powerful Body:
Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind is the largest and 90 years old organization
of Muslims. It has played leading role in the freedom movement and thereafter,
it has been in the forefront to raise the issues and challenges facing the
community and country. It is a constitutional organization and its
organizational structure is based on democratic principles. Its managing
committee is the supreme body. It has right not only to formulate policies and
programmes (Article 55A) but it can also reject or approve the resolution of the
Working committee of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind Article 55(C). This body can amend, add
or abrogate the constitution (Article 89). As the managing committee has been
made all powerful precaution has been taken to keep it safe from the domination
of any individuals. Therefore, its members are elected by the local units at the
lowest level who reach the Central Managing Committee through elections at
district and state levels.
How the Members of the Central Managing Committee are elected?
First of all the local unit consisting of minimum hundred or more
members elect members from the district level. The district level Managing
Committee elects its members for the State level managing committee which sends
one third of its members to the Central Managing committee. Thus the Central
Managing Committee is constituted through elections under Article 43. The
elected president has power to nominate 51 eminent persons to the Managing
Committee under Article 54.
Review of the Constitution of Present Managing Committee:
Keeping in view the above mentioned organizational structure we
would review how and when the present managing committee was constituted and how
far and at what level it represents its electoral college.
There are seventeen state level units of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. The
election process has been completed in fourteen of them where in total 54 lakh
54 thousand 823 primary members have been enlisted. 1008 local units were
constituted. They elected 216 district level managing committees and in turn
they elected 8355 state level members. Out of these 2785 members were elected to
the Central Managing Committee. The chart giving below presents the
organizational structure and electoral process. In this meeting delegates from
14 states are participating.
|
Name
of the State |
No.
of Members elected to Central managing Committee |
Name
of President |
|
Uttar
Pradesh |
790 |
Maulana Hayatullah Qasmi |
|
Andhra Pradesh |
206 |
Hafiz
Peer Shabbir Ahmed |
|
Uttarakhand |
17 |
Dr.
Mohammad Islam Qasmi |
|
Assam |
170 |
Maulana Badruddin Ajmal |
|
Orissa |
27 |
Maulana Mohammad Jabir |
|
Tamil
Nadu |
35 |
Maulana Ahmed Kabir |
|
Tripura |
55 |
Mufti
Tayyabur Rahman |
|
Delhi |
174 |
Mufti
Zafiruddin |
|
Karnataka |
125 |
Mufti
Iftikar Ahmed |
|
Gujarat |
290 |
Maulana Habibur Rahman |
|
West
Bengal |
237 |
Maulana Hisamuddin |
|
Maharashtra |
240 |
Haji
Shamsuddin |
|
Manipur |
23 |
Maulana Said Ahmed Qasmi |
|
Haryana-Punjab-HP |
396 |
Maulana Mohammad Ilyas |
Why this meeting has been convened:
Since Maulana Arshad Madani continuously took steps repugnant to
the policy of the organization, he dissolved elected units, disintegrated the
democratic organizational structure and tried to establish personal rules, the
working committee of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind took strong notice and expelled him on
6th March 2008 and he was replaced by Maulana Qari Syed Mohammad
Usman, who was declared interim president. Maulana Mahmood Madani remained its
General Secretary.
Since Central Managing Committee is the supreme body the working
Committee referred its resolution for ratification and thus this meeting was
convened. Its agenda is as under:
1.
Reading and ratification of the resolutions of the
previous meeting;
2.
Secretary Report;
3.
Ratification of the decision of expulsion of
Maulana Arshad Madani and election of Maulana Qari Syed Mohammad Usman, Dy.
Rector of Darul Uloom Deoband as the president of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind.
4.
Disciplinary action against members involved in
anti party activities;
5.
Resolution on Terrorism;
6.
Election of two vice president and treasure;
7.
Deliberations on Sachchar Committee and Ranganath
Commission report;
8.
Reservation for Muslims and demand for bill to
prevent communal riots;
9.
Dalit-Muslim unity;
10.
Protection of Muslim Aukaf;
11.
Islamic identity and social reform;
12.
Resolution against Israel aggression in Palestine;
13.
Budget and Accounts;
14.
Condolence Resolutions;
15.
Other matters.
The procedure for the ratification of the expulsion of Maulana
Arshad Madani and election of Maualan Qari Syed Mohammad Usman. A completely
transparent procedure has been adopted. All the participating delegates will
vote in writing whether they agree with the decision of working committee or
not. They will further express their choice through voice vote in the presence
of the following panel as well as media.
|
1 |
Hon’ble Justice (Retd.)
Mr. Naseemuddin
Siddiqui |
Observer |
|
|
2 |
Mr. Safder
Hussain Khan,
Sr. General
Manager, ITPO |
Observer |
|
|
3 |
Mr. Ahteshamul
Haq,
Legal Consultant,
ITPO |
Asst. Observer |
|
|
4 |
Mr. Shakil Ahmed
Syed, Advocate, Supreme Court of India |
Election Officer |
|
|
5 |
Mr. Tayyab Khan,
Advocate,
Supreme Court of
India |
Asst. Election Officer |
|
• Hello, I’m Shekhar Gupta, and welcome to
Walk the Talk. I’m in front of Masjid Abdul Nabi, a great Islamic institution,
built more than 500 years ago. And my guest this week is a very young maulana,
39-year-old Maulana Mahmood Madani. Welcome to Walk the Talk.
Thank you.
• You are young, maulana, and you represent
one of the most liberal streams of Islam. You have so much of work pressure but
people do not understand that. People do not understand that your party was
responsible for the resistance in Nandigram in West Bengal. Sadiqullah belongs
to your party.
He’s the state general-secretary of the party and the state unit took the
lead on the issue.Whenever such issues have come up, Jamiat Ulama has a history
of taking on a leadership role. Jamiat Ulama played a leading role even in the
freedom struggle. Jamiat was formed in 1919 and in our first meeting we took a
resolution on attaining complete freedom.
• So you were even a step ahead of the
Congress?
The Congress used to talk only about internal independence, but at that time
Jamiat demanded complete independence.
• And even during the time of Partition, your
party was against Partition?
This was the only Muslim organisation making such a demand and Maulana Asad
Madani, my father, made such a demand not for political reasons but on the basis
of religion. He said our religion does not allow us to divide people on the
basis of religion.
• The booklet carrying your father’s sermons
says that one should love his country first.
I am a Muslim and if I love my country then it is so because I am a Muslim.
If a person is not a real Muslim then we can get suspicious whether he is a
friend of the country or not. Those who practise religion can never be enemies
of the country because our religion teaches us to love our country.
• But now some people are saying that those
who led in Nandigram did so because they got support from the US. So now there
is an allegation that you are friends with America.
Here, he (Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee) is not just a chief minister but a
dictator as well. So when he saw such a big obstruction he started accusing
people without any evidence. During George Bush’s visit to India we had staged a
demonstration which nobody did in the country. Even Bardhan Sahab had
participated in that. So when we opposed Bush’s visit to India, we did so
because we were his (Buddhadeb’s) friends!
• But Bengal says that Sadiqullah met some
high officials from the US administration, who directed Sadiqullah to take this
step.
That’s their version. People from different backgrounds visit us. We never
say no to anybody. We are even ready to meet Buddhadebji.
• So you must have read about this new
development: Bengal claims it is a conspiracy. They say it’s an Islamic-American
alliance, or rather, a Jamiat-American alliance.
This is the thinking of the communists. This is so because they are realising
that nothing is in their hands and they are feeling helpless. And this is not a
Muslim issue in Nandigram, it’s a public issue. And the Bengal government has
been defeated as it could not achieve what it wanted. And in future too it will
be defeated if it does not change its attitude. If they change their attitude,
we will be their best friends.
• But not many people know that Bardhanji
participated in the demonstration which you staged against Bush’s visit to
India.
It was covered by media. Everybody watched it. Last week, in an interview a
journalist was mentioning that I have been friends with communists. And that,
together with Bardhanji and other communists, I had staged a demonstration. I
said we didn’t do a combined demonstration. He participated in it, and also
addressed us.
• So for you it’s a tough choice. On the one
hand you have America and on the other you have communists.
No, we don’t share any relation with America. And neither do we intend to
keep one. We just stress on the fact that the public should not suffer.
• But it’s a big thing that Buddhabedji
visited you, and he came because he is troubled by your party. But when he came
to you, what did he say?
He did not talk much on the main issue. He said he had done a lot for the
minorities. He also said that if some other party comes to power in West Bengal,
then things would go haywire. But a new party coming to power in the states is
nothing new. It happens all over India. We are not bothered with whatever party
comes to power. But if some good work has been done by Buddhadebji or by Jyoti
Basuji, it is not counted as their obligation. It is a fact that the condition
of Muslims is the worst in West Bengal, be it socially, economically or
educationally. Nowhere in the country is the condition of Muslims so bad as in
West Bengal.
• Are you serious in saying this?
Yes, I am very serious. And in spite of this we never wish that his
government is voted out of power.
• Why so?
Because when it comes to communal harmony, we do not put them on the same
platform as some other parties.
• For example, the BJP.
Yes.
• But Mamata is an ally of the BJP?
So we can never accept her.
• You don’t see any difference between Mamata
and the BJP?
Because Mamata is an ally of the BJP, we cannot talk or discuss anything with
her. And we are not a political organisation.
• But you are a Member of Parliament?
That’s another point. But Buddhadebji’s attitude and the way he wants to rule
. . . During Jyoti Basu’s time we never had any major conflict. Jamiat had
organised a big rally for the protection of madrasas, which I had also attended.
We passed a resolution against the W. Bengal Government and even Biman Basu
participated in that rally.
• So did you tell Buddhadebji that the
condition of Muslims was so bad in his state?
He said that Sachar has not included certain points and we are trying to
incorporate those points. So he started finding faults with the Sachar
Committee.
• Do you follow the Sachar Committee report
or you go on your own report?
We have our own report also. And that shows our condition to be worse than
what Sachar Committee report has to say.
•
But why so? But CPM is secular. Then why is
the condition of Muslims in Bengal so bad?
It’s very difficult to answer this question. We follow the middle path.
• But spiritually you are Deobandi?
Basically, the Deoband school of thought follows the middle path.
• But a new reputation has come up that
Deobandis are extremists, they are Taliban.
This has been projected by the Taliban. This is their regional conflict.
• Do you consider the Taliban to be
Deobandis.
They claim they are Deobandis. And we cannot go against their claims.
• But does the work done by them come under
Deobandi ideology?
This is a matter related to their region.
• Did they come up with any resolution for a
reconciliation on this topic?
They said we can discuss the matter. I agreed with that. But Jamiat is
leading a group of 29 organisations and most of them are non-Muslims. We have to
discuss the matter with each organisation.
• But Jamiat, BJP, Mamata Bannerjee and
Naxalites — all have a mixture of ideologies.
These parties are following their own way of fighting for an issue. That’s
why we don’t have any alliance with BJP or Mamata. All these 29 non-political
organisations have come together and they are fighting for a cause.
• But you are ready to talk?
Yes. The best way to solve all problems is to talk. I have had a talk with
him here, and if needed I can go to West Bengal also.
• So you are going there?
At the moment it has not been decided. First, we will hold talk amongst
ourselves.
• Did Buddhadebji express regret for whatever
happened in Nandigram?
Yes. He also took the responsibility for the incident.
• Did you feel that there has been a change
of heart in him?
I don’t know about that. But he’s surely under external pressure.
• Did you ask him why he is accusing you of
being an American agent?
His statement calling the Jamiat a terrorist and a fundamentalist
organisation was published a few days back. And anyone who’s aware of Jamiat’s
history would have never done so. So our members questioned him (Buddhadebji)
why Biman Basu visits us and why he sends messages to us if we were terrorists
and fundamentalists. In response, he said he did not know about it and was
wrongly quoted. We said that in such a case you should have contradicted the
statement.
• What do you dislike the most, being called
an American agent or a fundamentalist?
We feel bad when we are linked with the terrorists. In fact, I do not mind
being called a fundamentalist. Rather, I feel proud that I am attached to the
roots.
• Your fundamentalism is of a different kind.
Yes, for us it’s a case of tolerance. According to the Quran, you follow your
own path and I will follow my own path. It talks about a society where we don’t
fight over this issue.
• When I read your father’s speeches, the
collection of which will be released by the Prime Minister, it talks mostly
about education.
Yes, our basic aim is to impart education.
• But another central point is that if we
look at our country’s situation at the moment, especially in Bengal, where we
have small holdings and all areas are over populated, then we don’t have any
other option except for industrialisation.
Nowhere do we have any other option except for industrialisation. We need
industries. But for setting up industries, will you kill our men? Keeping the
public in view, we should chalk out a middle path.
• So if the public was persuaded in
Nandigram, then we could have had industries there also?
Yes, we should follow a proper procedure, along with a proper rehabilitation
project.
• Can you suggest a way of proper
rehabilitation in a place like Nandigram?
The people of the area where you are setting up a project should be taken
into confidence. And once the talks begin, a special kind of relationship
develops, in which you respect each other’s demands. But if somebody doesn’t
listen to you then make him a partner in the project. I don’t oppose SEZs on any
ideological ground. But there should be some changes in the SEZ policy,
especially in the Land Acquisition Act. And I also agree with
Sitaram Yechury that the government should first take up government
industrial areas, ones where industries have been shut down. Then they should
acquire wasteland, and the option of going to the farmers is always there.
• But there is hardly any wasteland in West
Bengal. If the government goes to the people once again . . .
At the moment I can’t say anything about Nandigram till we talk to everyone
there. We don’t oppose SEZs on the basis of any ideology. I’m not against
industrialisation. But it shouldn’t be done by force. There was a time when, in
terms of industrialisation, West Bengal was in the top slot. But the Left ruined
everything. They shut down all the industries. And now they want to revive
industries. That’s something really good. I congratulate them for this. But they
are still trying to follow the Hitler way of working, which is not good.
• After the talks do you think they have
learnt a lesson?
I can’t say that. But they were reasonable while talking. But the CPM cadre
in Bengal is still harassing our people there. For example, in madrasas and
schools. They are threatening our activists in villages. Harassment and talks
cannot go hand in hand.
• Did you tell him about this?
I received this information after the talks. I will talk to Yechuryji about
this. But I told him that your people are threatening to kill us.
• Didn’t he tell you that your workers also
used weapons.
When did we use weapons? This is an allegation. We used the biggest weapon
given to us by democracy. The weapon to bring about a revolution, which was used
even by Gandhiji.
• But he says that you removed all their
party workers, and now they are staging dharna to be sent back.
This is not true. In fact rapes were committed by CPM workers. But I won’t
say much in public now. I don’t want to indulge in a blame-game. They are
accusing us to only to save their face.
• There is a lot of confusion in the media
about Jamiat’s identity. Some consider you a Naxalite, some consider you a
Taliban, some consider you an American. So there is ignorance.
Apart from ignorance, it’s also according to convenience. He understands
everything but he tries to make the people understand according to need of his
story.
• But while going through your organisation’s
literature and your father’s book I found they mention about a great India and
her great qualities. Such an aggressive nationalism is not very common.
It’s not so much found even in non-Muslims. My grandfather stressed on
composite nationalism on the basis of the Quran. He even wrote a book on
composite nationalism and Islam.
• Yeah, I have read that book. And you had
strongly opposed the idea of Partition.
We are just against dividing people on the basis of religion.
• And you think that Muslims of the
subcontinent have suffered due to Partition.
Hindustan, Muslims, Hindus, the entire subcontinent has suffered due to
Partition. We could have been a superpower.
• According to you, what will happen to
India, Pakistan and Bangladesh in the next 15-20 years.
According to me, we should have a confederation with simple visa procedures.
When Atalji was the prime minister, I got his permission and had called Maulana
Fazlur Rahman, the chief of Pakistan Jamiat.
• Interestingly, some reporters mentioned
your Jamiat as the Indian chapter of the Jamiat, which is actually the original.
Yes. But we don’t have any direct relation with them. Jamiat rules in the
North West Frontier today. During independence, the Muslim League lost in the
elections from there and Congress won. They wanted to be a part of India. Even
today, they share the same ideology as of India only because the Jamiat and the
Deobandi school of thought had a hold in the region. They were also against
Partition. And till today they are paying for that. There is no development work
done there as compared to other districts.
• And you will say that Muslims of India also
have had to pay a price because they did not support the Muslim League during
Partition.
Muslims who stayed back here always had an option of going to Pakistan. But
instead of respecting them for staying back, they are treated as criminals. When
we go out, we are called Hindi, Hindustani. But we are proud of it. I want to
give a message to the new generation of this country. I want them to set up a
new India where there is industrialisation, equality, education for all,
modernisation, there is no discrimination on the basis of caste.
• You don’t support orthodoxy, and you don’t
have anti-industrialisation ideology.
No. In fact, I support industrialisation. Without that we won’t be able to
attain our target.
• Thank you for talking to us.
Thank you.
